http://thefastertimes.com/foreignpolicy/2010/03/16/economic-cooperations-poor-track-record/

http://thefastertimes.com/foreignpolicy/2010/03/16/economic-cooperations-poor-track-record/

FOREIGN POLICY
Economic Cooperation’s Poor Track Record

MARCH 16, 2010LINCOLN A. MITCHELL
It seems as if whenever there is a disputed territory or ethnic conflict, regardless of where, the strategy of pursuing economic cooperation to ameliorate political and ethnic tension is enthusiastically pursued by foreign governments and international organizations. The rationale behind this is hard to question because Palestinians and Israelis, ethnic and Abkhaz and ethnic Georgians, Armenians and Turks and other similar pairings all value the opportunity to make money and do business. This is also approach is also consistent with the post-Cold War global consensus in Washington and elsewhere that markets solve all problems.

The reality that these types of programs have rarely had a significant impact on resolving territorial disputes has not appeared to daunt proponents of the shared economic venture as path to peace approach. These programs have generally had a marginal effect as conflicts have either endured in spite of these programs, or more frequently these programs have failed to get off the ground because the conflict and rancor between the groups. It is clear that, for example, joint Palestinian-Israeli tourism ventures could generate needed income, or cooperation liberalized trade zones involving Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh would help the economy of the South Caucasus, but even though the west supports programs to do these types of things, the underlying problems are more enduring. The China-Taiwan case is an interesting example of a conflict where trade has expanded substantially in recent years, but the tensions between the two polities remains quite strong with both sides retaining strong militaries and the threat of war breaking out no less significant, despite the economic ties.

Economic ties have played in a role in promoting peace and reducing tensions, but those ties are often between two states that do not have a territorial dispute or history of ethnic tension. For example, the increasing economic ties between China and the U.S. in the last few decades, or even between Russia and western Europe today have had this effect, but those are significantly different kinds of cases.

There are powerful incentives for doing economic cooperation type projects: the logic behind these projects is strong; while they rarely succeed they also very rarely make things worse; and perhaps most importantly, they are always of interest to funders.

The reason resolving territorial disputes and ethnic tension through economic cooperation has not worked is that this approach addresses the problem without paying sufficient attention to the causes. The lack of economic cooperation is due to the same tensions and conflicts which are driving people apart in the first place. Prejudice, civil wars, declaring independence and fighting over land are often bad economic decisions, but they endure because the tensions behind them are real. Ignoring this and simply urging better economic cooperation as some kind of magic elixir is like trying to fix a broken leg by suggesting the patient go jogging. If the patient could jog, or the two sides could meaningfully collaborate on economic projects, the problem would not exist in the first place. Evidence from recent years has shown that in these types of cases the logic of the market does not always triumph, and that even when it does, there are rarely political spillover effects.

Роль победителя?

Владислав Ардзинба
08.03.2010 18:07
Сергей Маркедонов
ВЗГЛЯД ИЗ МОСКВЫ---4 марта 2010 года в Москве скончался Владислав Ардзинба. Сегодня трудно представить себе, чтобы об этом человеке оставившим глубокий след в новейшей истории Кавказа, говорили объективно и беспристрастно. И дело здесь не только в том, что наши знания о биографии этого человека без полноценного доступа к архивным документам будут относительны и фрагментарны.

Владислав Ардзинба оказался в самом центре сложнейшего процесса судорожного распада СССР и связанных с ним рождения новых наций-государств, межэтнических конфликтов, роста насилия и агрессии. В этих крайне противоречивых событиях было трудно, и, наверное, почти невозможно всегда удерживаться в рамках простой человеческой порядочности и твердых принципов.

Конец 1980-х - начала 1990-х годов выдвинул на авансцену плеяду неординарных людей, которые совсем не походили на старцев из Политбюро. Многие из них были блестящими ораторами, прекрасно образованными, знающими иностранные языки, готовыми к полемике и жесткой идеологической борьбе, претендовавшими на роль «отцов нации». Но в то же время людей, склонных к масштабным авантюрам, популизму вождизму и не слишком ценивших простую человеческую жизнь. Вместо «пролетарского интернационализма» они выбрали своим знаменем, и если угодно «символом веры» этнический национализм. Эта «новая волна» политиков страстно боролась за свободу и права. Только проблема заключалась в том, что правам человека и гражданина они предпочитали права этносов, наций и государств. А из всех видов частной собственности им милее всего была этническая собственность на землю. К сожалению, увлечение коллективными правами, как правило, чревато конфликтами между разными социальными группами, в которых трудно найти победителей. Звиад Гамсахурдиа, Абульфаз Эльчибей, Левон Тер-Петросян, Витаутас Ландсбергис, Юрий Мешков, Джохар Дудаев. В этом ряду свое достойное место занимает и Владислав Ардзинба. Человек, сделавший себя сам и прошедший путь от скромного научного сотрудника до президента непризнанной республики, дождавшегося, впрочем, начала ее международной легитимации. В отличие же от многих перечисленных выше представителей когорты постсоветских «национал-демократов» Ардзинба не был свергнут или отстранен от власти. Он оставил свой пост по болезни и еще при жизни увидел реализацию задуманного на закате советской эпохи.

Представители абхазской политической и интеллектуальной элиты уже сравнивают его роль с ролью Гарибальди для итальянцев, Уоллесом для шотландцев и Пилсудского для поляков. Там ему уготована роль «отца-основателя» абхазского независимого государства, ее исторического символа. В Грузии же фигура Ардзинбы воспринимается совсем с другим знаком. Для многих тысяч грузин именно он стал символом вынужденного изгнания, прощания с родиной, могилами предков.

Был ли Владислав Ардзинба победителем? С одной стороны, по каким-то формальным критериям, да. Он одержал верх над «малой империей», как он вслед за Андреем Сахаровым называл Грузию. Он возглавил Абхазию без грузин, республику, где конституционно закреплено эксклюзивное право абхазов на президентство. В итоге многолетняя справедливая борьба абхазов против дискриминации закончилась новой дискриминацией. Теперь уже с их стороны. Но дало ли это абхазам их политическая эксклюзивность социальное благополучие, экономическое процветание? Весь годовой бюджет Абхазии равен сумме, которую Россия в нынешнем году хочет потратить на один энергообъект на Кубани. Освобожденная от грузинской зависимости Абхазия с каждым днем все больше и больше зависит от военно-политических интересов России. И эти многочисленные проблемы - также следствие победы ныне покойного лидера. Впрочем, не только победы, но и националистического выбора, сделанного ведущими интеллектуалами СССР «времени упадка».





Role of the winner?

Vladislav Ardzinba
3/8/2010 18:07
Sergey Markedonov
The SIGHT FROM Moscow - in Moscow has died - 4th March, 2010 Vladislav Ardzinba. Today it is difficult to imagine, that about this person its possible to talk objectively and impartially. Also there is no way to work throw his biography without high-grade access to archival documents.

Vladislav Ardzinba has appeared in the centre of the most complicated process of the disintegration of the USSR and connected with birth of the new nations-states, interethnic conflicts, violence and aggression. In these extremely inconsistent events it was difficult, and, probably, almost impossible to be kept in frameworks of simple human decency and firm principles.

The end 1980 - the beginnings of 1990th years has put forward a huge amount of not ordinary people which no body could compare with this all aged men from the Political bureau of those days. Many of them were brilliant orators perfectly formed, knowing foreign languages, ready for polemic and rigid ideological struggle, applying for a role of "fathers of the nation». But at the same time a huge part of this people inclined to make adventures, populism and even forget about the simple human life. Instead of «proletarian internationalism» they have chosen the banner of ethnic nationalism. This «new wave» politicians passionely struggled for freedom and the rights of there people. Unfortunately, collective rights, as a rule, is fraught with conflicts between different social groups in which it is difficult to find winners. Zviad Gamsahurdia, Abulfaz Elchibej, Levon Rubbed-petrosjan, Vitautas Landsbergis, Jury Meshkov, Dzhohar Dudaev. In it also Vladislav Ardzinba belong. The person who has made from normal scientific employee to the president of unrecognized republic. In difference from many listed above representatives of a cohort of Post-Soviet "national democrats" Ardzinba was not will to dethrone of the power. He left the post through illness and still during lifetime has seen decline of the post- Soviet epoch.

Representatives of the Abkhazian political and intellectual elite already compare its role to Garibaldi's role for Italians, Wallace for Scots and Pilsudsky for Poles. There to it the role of "founding father" of the Abkhazian independent state, its historical symbol he is. In Georgia the figure of Ardzinby is absolutely with other sign. For many thousand Georgian he is a symbol of the exile, farewell to the native land, ancestors-grave.

Whether was Vladislav Ardzinba the winner? On the one hand, by any formal criteria, yes. He has won over the «small empire» as Andrey Saharov named Georgia. He has made Abkhazia without Georgian-political participation, republic where writen in the constitution only exclusive an ethnic Abkhaz can be president. As a result for long-term fair struggle against discrimination ended with new discrimination. This time, from their (ethnic Abkhaz) party. But whether has given this the people of Abkhazia their political social well-being, economic prosperity? The annual budget of Abkhazia is equal to the ammount which Russia this year wishes to spend for one power object on the Kuban (Krasnodar-Area). Abkhazia released from the Georgian dependence, gets every day military-political interests of Russia more and more. And these numerous figures - also a victory consequence of the 2008 war made him to an old leader. However, not only victories, but also the nationalist choice made leading intellectuals of the USSR to "past-time».